Volume 8, No. 4                www.foac-pac.org                   April 11, 2008

 

Firearms Owners Against Crime

 

“The constitutions of most of our States assert that all power is inherent in the people; that . . . it is their right and duty to be at all times armed. . . .” Letter from Thomas Jefferson to Justice John Cartwright (June 5, 1824), 16 WRITINGS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON 45 (A.A. Lipscomb ed., 1907).

 

E-Newsletter & FOAC Meeting Notice

April 13, 2008

 

Meeting Agenda Issues:

 

Invited Guest Speaker(s):

None

9.0  New Business

9.1             Harrisburg Rally Update

9.2             Questionnaire Results and Returns

9.3             Candidate support efforts-Mailings and Door to Door

Cappelli-23rd State Senate

McDonald-13th State Senate

9.4             Philadelphia Mayor and Council Plans to Control Guns

9.5             Primary Election Day Efforts

Poll Workers

9.6             Political Events Review and Summary and Candidate Positions and Statements

9.7             Important State Races (Congress, State Senate, State House—Open Races!!)

9.8             2008 Spring Banquet Review

9.9             Membership committee developments

9.10        PGOA Communication – Columbia & Montour Counties

Federal issues:

9.11        Heller v. D.C. Court Case Insight into the Arguments

 

Events:

**Primary Election:  April 22nd

**Door to Door Campaign: Daryl Metcalfe Race-Today and next weekend-WE NEED VOLUNTEERS

**PA Leadership Conference: April 25th & 26th (Kim Stolfer Featured Panelist on Saturday)

 

FOAC - 2008 Meeting Schedule

Jan 13, 2nd Sunday, Feb 10, 2nd Sunday, Mar 9, 2nd Sunday, Apr 13, 2nd Sunday, May 4, 1st Sunday, Jun 8, 2nd Sunday, Jul 13, 2nd Sunday, Aug 10, 2nd Sunday, Sep 14, 2nd Sunday, Oct 12, 2nd Sunday, Nov 2, 1st Sunday, Dec 14, 2nd Sunday

**Time of Meeting:  10:00 AM

**Location: Whitehall Borough Bldg (off Rt.51 – ask for directions)

****Coffee and Donuts will be provided

***Primary Election – Apr. 22

***General Election – Nov. 4

 

 

Philadelphia Council and Mayor Pass and Sign Into Law Illegal Gun Control Bills

(April 10th) Just moments ago at 3PM Philadelphia Mayor Nutter signed into law five ordinances passed by City Council in ‘violation’ of Pennsylvania law.  These measures cover the following concepts:

1.        limit handgun purchases to one a month

2.        require lost or stolen firearms to be reported to police within 24 hours

3.        forbid individuals under protection from abuse orders from possessing guns if ordered by the court

4.        allow removal of firearms from "persons posing a risk of imminent personal injury" to themselves or others, as determined by a judge

5.       outlaw the possession and sale certain assault weapons.

It is important to note that violations of these are but summary offenses however the true intent is to try to push the Courts to grant the power that the Legislature will not—Local Control of Gun Laws.

The real issue here is that, again, the Mayor and City Council are COMMITTING criminal acts that carry a punishment of Misdemeanor 1 level of punishment.  This is a terrible example to be setting for their constituents and those they want to follow the law now.  Instead of going to court over this the first action should see them dragged out of city hall in handcuffs!!

Once again it is going to be up to the gun owners of PA to step forward and fight this evil or it will spread like cancer throughout our communities.

 

Gun Owners March On Harrisburg  Once Again!

     On Monday April 7th gun owners once again rallied in Harrisburg to celebrate the ‘Right to Bear Arms and the Constitutional protections of it.

     Leading off the Rally was guest speaker Alan Keyes with host legislator Rep. Daryl Metcalfe guiding the rally.  Other featured speakers at today’s rally included Larry Pratt, executive director, Gun Owners of America; Alan Gottlieb, chairman, Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms; Jeff Knox, director of operations, Firearms Coalition; Kim Stolfer, chairman, Firearms Owners Against Crime; Melody Zullinger, executive director, PA Federation of Sportsmen’s Clubs, and Jon Mirowitz, Unified Sportsmen of Pennsylvania.

     In attendance were over 500 gun owners from all points of the state and many grassroots groups including:   Allegheny County Sportsmen’s League, CCRKBA, GunWeek, Jews for the Preservation of Firearms Ownership, Law Enforcement Alliance of America, Lehigh Valley Firearms Coalition, Mothers Arms - Safely in Mothers Arms Inc., National Rifle Association, National Shooting Sports Foundation, PA Firearms Owners Association, PA Gun Collectors Association, PA Gun Owners Association, PA Rifle and Pistol Association, PA Sportsmen’s Association, Pink Pistols, the Second Amendment Sisters and Unified Sportsmen of PA.

     At the end of the Rally a drawing was held for a brand new handgun as a thank you to all of the gun owners who sacrificed their time to come to Harrisburg.

     The grassroots lobbying began after the drawing with gun owners breaking up into teams and directing their energies to the House and Senate members on the issue of our Right to Bear Arms.

     The legislature passed HB 1845 (without any gun control in it) unanimously while we were lobbying for our freedoms on this day sending it to the Senate for consideration.

 

Smiles after Heller SCOTUS arguments

by Dave Workman & Joe Tartaro

And now, a nation waits.

Call it cautious optimism sprinkled with a dash of pessi­mism her and there -.among some gun activists, but in the wake of the landmark Supreme Court oral arguments Mar. 18 on the District of Columbia v Heller case, gun rights lead­ers are anticipating a narrow win, but a win all the same.

Depending upon whom one asks the question, those who have followed this case are predicting everything from a 5-4 favorable ruling for individual gun rights, to a 7-2 ruling, perhaps with a couple of those affirmative votes offering concurring opinions, but also suggesting that the right to keep and bear arms is subject to "rea­sonable regulation." For the firearms community, sim­ply erasing the notion that the Second Amendment only applies to some "collective right" of states to organize militias would be a significant victory. Striking down the 32-year-old handgun ban in the District of Columbia would also be an important precedent, opening challenges to similar laws in other municipalities.

The high court is expected to hand down a ruling in June on whether the Second Amendment protects an in­dividual civil right that extends beyond service in a state militia, and whether the District's handgun ban violates that right. (See related comments in Hindsight, Page 15.)

The hearing was off to an energetic start that left no doubt where some of the justices would come down on the question of the Second Amendment's meaning, and whether the handgun ban would stand. Chief Justice John Roberts, responding to a remark by District counsel Walter Dellinger that states have adopted "reasonable standards" for regulation of dangerous weapons, asked, "What is rea­sonable about a total ban on possession?"

Dellinger said it is reasonable if the ban is on one kind of weapon, and Roberts fired back, "So, if you have a law that prohibits the possession of books, it's all right if you allow the possession of newspapers?"

Justice Anthony M. Kennedy, expected by most observ­ers to be a "swing" vote, clearly indicated his position in support of a broad individual right when he told Dellinger that the amendment supplements the delegation of au­thority over militias to Congress.

"And in my view," he said, "it supplemented it by say­ing there's a general right to bear arms quite without reference to the militia either way."

Later, in an exchange with Solicitor General Paul a Clement regarding the 1939 Miller case that is often used by anti-gunners as "proof" that the amendment only sup­ports the collective right of states to organize militias, Kennedy said the Miller ruling was "insufficient to...describe the interests that must have been foremost in the framers' minds when they were concerned about guns being taken away from the people who needed them for their defense."

Then in a subsequent exchange with attorney Alan Gura, lead counsel representing Dick Anthony Heller, the District resident challenging the ban, Kennedy observed, "I suggest that Miller may be deficient."

An amicus brief filed by the Second Amendment Foun­dation (SAF) had specifically suggested that the Miller test be abandoned. It was the only such brief to suggest that course.

It was Kennedy who also suggested that the "operative" clause of the Second Amendment is the second part of the 29-word amend­ment, the part that says, "The right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed," and that the "militia" clause is a preamble explaining one of the reasons why that right is so important "to the se­curity of a free state."

Wayne LaPierre, executive vice presi­dent of the National Rifle Association, was in the audience for the oral arguments, and afterwards, he observed, "I have every ex­pectation that the court will soon restore the Second Amendment to the District of Columbia".

John Snyder, public affairs director for the Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms, told Gun Week, "My own feeling is that our side had the upper hand based on the questions and second­ary questions that the justices posed and the way they were answered."

Alan Gottlieb, founder of the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF), was also confident of a favorable outcome. He told Gun Week, "We anticipate that the court will rule once and for all that the right to keep and bear arms is a fundamental in­dividual civil right, and that gun bans, even on specific types of commonly-owned firearms, do not stand up under even mod­est scrutiny."

On the other side, the Brady Campaign to Prevent Gun Violence sent out an ap­peal for funds two days after the hearings that suggested they believe the District's ban is in trouble, and that their argument against the existence of an individual right is about to be shot down. The language of the appeal seemed both desperate and at the same time stubborn.

"Even if the District's ordinance is struck down," the appeal stated, "and regardless of how the Justices rule on the individual's 'right' to bear arms, their questioning clearly acknowledged the importance of and the need for reasonable regulations on guns."

The Brady appeal noted, 'We need to be prepared for the outcome, whatever that might be." It also left no question that the gun control lobby will not simply roll over and play dead if the high court strikes down the ban and affirms an individual right.

Nelson Lund, a distinguished law pro­fessor at George Mason University who authored the SAF amicus brief, anticipates an affirmative ruling on the Second Amendment as an individual right and striking down the District gun ban by at least 5-4 and possibly 6-3.

Prof. Robert Cottrol, another distin­guished law professor who teaches at George Washington University, also sug­gested a 5-4 affirmative ruling. He also thinks the majority may pick up two addi­tional votes from the liberal justices.

The historic importance of the Heller case was apparent from the crowds who gathered for the oral arguments. Many of the spectators were law students and the section of the Court set aside for attorneys in the Supreme Court bar was packed.

The Supreme Court building is not geared for a large audience and some in­terested parties began waiting in line two days before the oral arguments were to begin.

What is significant is that much of the media reported that the Court was likely to decide in favor of an individual right interpretation regardless of what else their opinion might say.

David Savage, in The Los Angeles Times, wrote: "The Supreme Court justices, hear­ing a historic argument on the meaning of the 2nd Amendment, signaled they are likely to strike down a handgun ban in the District of Columbia and rule that homeowners have a right to keep a gun for self-defense.

"While that conclusion alone could elate many gun-rights supporters," Savage con­tinued, "that may not have been the most difficult question in the case argued today before the court. That question is: If such a constitutional right exists, how may leg­islatures and city councils limit that right? And the profound disagreements Tuesday among the justices on that question sug­gest that the answer may come amid some serious shades of grey."

Tucson, AZ, attorney David T. Hardy, who co-wrote one of the amicus briefs with Hamline law Prof. Joe Olson, sent this account of events:

"I just got back from oral arguments, and I'm happy to say that we've almost cer­tainly got the five votes we hoped for, and maybe a sixth ...

"Counsel for the District started out al­most immediately-after being attacked by a few justices, including Kennedy, started claiming that the current law didn't ban self-defense. This was already contrary to their earlier claims and wasn't brought up below, and as the argument went on, he backed away more and more from defend­ing the long gun part of the law. By the time it was his turn for rebuttal, he had all but abandoned the long gun part of DC's law and, essentially, asked that the Court uphold the pistol ban part provided that DC clarify its statute to ensure that self- defense is not curtailed by the long gun regulations."  The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

ATF takes heat over proposed tool inscription

by Dave Workman, Senior Editor

Call it either a phenomenally arrogant, and stupid waste of money, or call it a clever way to remind field agents to seize property from criminals so it can be returned to the rightful owners.

Whatever you call it—and gun rights activists have been calling it a lot of things lately on chat lists—the proposal to purchase specially-engraved

Leatherman multi-tools for distribution to Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) agents ignited a firestorm because of the inscription: "Always Think Forfeiture."

However, Gun Week was advised that the purchase may not have taken place, and the bid request that went out last October may have been withdrawn.

According to ATF sources, the re­minder to field agents to "always think forfeiture" may have positive results for gunowners and other crime victims, because forfeiture statutes are some­times overlooked with cases against drug traffickers and other criminals. And until ATF or other agencies can legally take possession of weapons or other property seized during investigations, those items cannot be returned.

There are concerns that asset forfei­ture laws have been abused, however, and that often law-abiding citizens, including gun collectors or dealers, have seen their property seized as part of an investigation, and may not get it back if such an investigation does not pan out.

Todd Reichert, a supervisory special agent and public affairs officer with ATF, told Gun Week that it is hardly unusual for ATF agents and other law enforce­ment officers to "recover firearms from some person who cannot legally own firearms" during an investigation.

"Let's say it's a convicted felon, a prohibited person, and we find four or five handguns in his apartment,"

Reichert explained "We find out if they used a straw purchase to get those guns, or if they are stolen guns...."

Once the origin of those firearms is established, ATF can use the forfeiture law to "transfer ownership of property between two parties," the criminal and the ATF, and this process essentially works the same way for any law enforcement agency involved in such an investigation.

A former Texas lawman, Reichert noted that criminals frequently get firearms as a result of a residential burglary If the serial number of a stolen firearm is entered into the National Crime Information Center (NCIC) database, when ATF -- or another agency runs a check, that gun will show up as stolen. That is when, Reichert explained, the process begins for return of the firearm to its rightful owner.

And here's where he offered some advice to gunowners: Keep a record of your firearm, a description including make, model and caliber, barrel length and, of course, the serial number.

ATF Special Agent Rich Marianos said that it is better to be able to return a stolen firearm to its owner than possibly have it destroyed by some police agency because the owner cannot be located. The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

New report finds DEA losing more guns, but fewer laptops

The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) is losing more guns but fewer laptops than it was about five years ago, the Justice Department's inspector general said on Mar. 28, according to Associated Press (AP).

The latest follow-up report found that some of the same problems cited in a 2002 audit remain: Policies for storing weapons and laptops are not always followed and, when they are lost, officials don't regularly report them.

The report credited the DEA with a 50% reduction in the frequency with which laptops are lost and stolen. But the inspector general said officials often have no idea what information was on the computers when they were stolen.

Officials are required to document whether sensitive material was on a lost or stolen computer. But of the 231 laptops lost in the 51/2 years covered by the report, such documents were filed only five times.

"We asked DEA senior managers what the DEA did to determine the contents of the remaining 226 lost or stolen laptop computers. The DEA was unable to provide information regarding what was on the laptops," the report said, accord­ing to AP. "We believe the DEA's inability to determine what was on the many stolen or missing laptops was a signifi­cant failure."

Auditors said the DEA lost 22 firearms and had an additional 69 stolen over the 51/2-year period. The stolen weapons included pistols, rifles, shotguns, and a submachinegun.

The majority of stolen guns had been left in an official's car, despite a policy prohibiting leaving a firearm unattended in a vehicle. The report cited examples of guns stolen from cars parked outside restaurants, hotels, schools and gyms. Some agents had their guns taken from their cars while they were shopping or getting coffee. One firearm was stolen while the car was at the body shop.

The DEA, in a written response attached to the report, said it agreed with many of the recommendations and had already taken several steps to improve its reporting process. All laptops containing sensitive information are now encrypted, the agency said, and all lost or stolen firearms are routinely reported.

"The DEA has made significant improvements in its rate of loss for laptops," agency spokesman Garrison Courtney said, according to AP. "In those instances where weapons were lost or stolen, appropriate disciplinary actions were taken by DEA."

A PDF copy of the report can be found at: usdoj.gov/oig/reports/DEA/a0821/final.  (Correct address for this report is: http://www.usdoj.gov/oig/reports/DEA/index.htm)

The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

Citizens balk at warrantless gun searches in Boston, DC

by Dave Workman, Senior Editor

Residents of neighborhoods in Wash­ington, DC, and Boston, MA, are not simply saying "No," but "Hell, No!" to voluntary warrantless searches of their homes by police officers looking for "illegal guns," according to news agen­cies in both communities.

When the program in the District of Columbia was announced just days before the Supreme Court heard oral arguments in the challenge to the District's handgun ban, the Second Amendment Foundation (SAF) had called the program an "outrage." SAF founder Alan Gottlieb has not changed his opinion.

In Massachusetts, the Gun Owners Action League (GOAL) is furious, while police officials seem shocked that residents in their communities are unwilling to allow officers to enter their homes without search warrants.

According to the Boston Globe, Lisa Thurau-Gray, managing director of that city's Juvenile Justice Center at Suffolk University Law School, said "The community doesn't want this."

"What part of 'no' don't they under­stand," she wondered, the newspaper said.

The Boston program is called "Safe Homes." Washington program has dubbed its program the "Safe Homes Initiative," but SAF's Gottlieb called that an "insult to our intelligence."

"If District residents allow this to happen," he said, "no home will be safe from warrantless fishing expeditions by police, because that's exactly what this thinly-disguised program is really all about."

He is concerned that this could set a dangerous precedent that other city police departments might try to copy.

But the projects—given laudatory opening announcements by local me­dia--have hit brick walls in both cities, leaving police officials stunned. The Boston Globe said Commissioner Edward F Davis was surprised at the criticism.

Likewise, Washington, DC, Police Chief Cathy Lanier has also been taken aback by resistance to the searches, which police officials insist would be voluntary. In the District, Lanier has promised amnesty to any resident in whose home a gun is found. In Boston, police have promised to keep any gun find confidential, but will test any recovered firearms to determine whether they have been used in crimes, and if so, charges could be filed.

Police department spokeswoman Elaine Driscoll told the newspaper that this effort is aimed at getting guns out of the community, not making arrests.

Community leaders in the nation's capitol, according to NBC affiliate WRC in the District, have gone door-to-door in at least one neighborhood to caution residents about allowing police into their homes without warrants to search for firearms.

"I think people should not open your doors under any circumstances," said School Board Member William Lockridge. "Don't even crack your door, unless someone has a warrant for your arrest."

While the program is called Safe Homes, one columnist suggested it should be "dubbed homes outside the purview of the Fourth Amendment."

The Boston program is ostensibly aimed only at homes where youths involved in gang activities reside. Even that hasn't satisfied Bean Town resi­dents, and because of that, the program's start has been delayed at least three times.

Back in the District of Columbia, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) has distributed signs that residents can place in the windows of their homes. Those signs state, "To the Police: No Consent to Search Our Home." City Councilman and former Mayor Marion Barry argued that the plan violates the Fourth Amendment prohibition against illegal search and seizure. Others wonder whether it could violate the Fifth Amendment if a prosecution follows.

That sentiment was reflected in remarks by Sarah Wunsch, a staff attorney for the ACLU in Boston, who was quoted by The Boston Globe.

"People on the street may say 'This is great. I'm letting them in," she noted, "but those are the people I'm concerned about, because they haven't been educated about the hazards."

Wunsch is worried that public housing residents might lose their homes if police find guns inside and report that to housing authorities. She told Gun Week that many people are not convinced when police insist these are only "con­sent searches."

"It is coercive," she said, "when three police officers and a clergyman show up on your doorstep."

She reiterated that many people don't know all the pitfalls that could arise if an unlicensed gun is found in their residence. If the housing authority were to find out about that, it could be grounds for eviction, Wunsch indicated.

She did note that some of the police officers involved in the program "are really nice guys and I think they're trying to do a good thing." The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

Important March Supreme Court ruling clarifies treaty law issue

The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) took note of a special benefit of a Mar. 25 Supreme Court decision in an editorial commentary published the following day. While the decision is not clearly linked to the right to keep and bear arms, it should be welcomed by gunowners concerned about the threat of global gun control schemes promulgated by the European Union and United Nations.

"Everyone waxing outraged about the big Medellin decision on Mar. 25 is focusing on the death penalty," said the WSJ, "but the Supreme Court did something else entirely: It insulated American law from the international variety. And this modest and limited ruling should help restore those two qualities to US courts, which is no doubt one of the reasons the Roberts Court's political opponents are so livid.

"Though the case became a global cause célèbre, its sordid origins trace to 1993, when Josê Medellin, a Mexican national, murdered two Houston teenag­ers. He was sentenced to death by a Texas jury, but his lawyers argued on appeal that he hadn't had access to Mexico's consulate before he confessed to his crimes," the editorial reprised.

"This was a violation of the 1963 Vienna Convention, which holds that diplomats are supposed to be notified when their nationals are arrested. In response, the US government took steps to ensure states better comply in the future, both to fulfill its treaty obliga­tions and serve the reciprocal interests of US citizens detained abroad."

The case also became a referendum on American commitment to international law and what treaties bind the US government and its 50 states. The Mexican authorities made the case a referendum on capital punishment and international legal norms, ultimately suing the US in the International Court of Justice (ICJ) at The Hague. The ICJ ruled in Mexico's favor, ordering states to give Medellin and some 51 other nationals new hearings. The question before the Supreme Court was whether such international dictates must be enforced by sovereign state courts. An affirmative answer might have gone a long way toward validating the expan­sive claims of liberal legal theorists that US courts take instruction from the United Nations (UN), and other interna­tional legal norms.

"Chief Justice John Roberts, writing for the 6-3 majority, ruled that the ICJ finding was not binding because the Vienna Convention is an understanding between governments, a diplomatic compact, The Journal continued. "It was never intended to automatically create new individual rights enforceable domestically by international bodies. Texas's violation was of diplomatic protocols, and calls for a diplomatic remedy."

Here's the important part about the differences in treaties super ceding the US constitution.

"Treaty obligations, in other words," said The Journal in explaining the decision, "do not necessarily take on the force of law domestically. Rather, Congress must enact legislation for whatever provisions—such as consular notification—that it wants to make the formal law of the land. This distinction matters because it establishes a fire wall between international and domestic law. It also protects the core American constitutional principles of federalism and the separation of powers. As Justice Roberts points out, the courts must leave to the political branches "the primary role in deciding when and how interna­tional agreements will be enforced."

Clearly, a president cannot enter into an international treaty—like the Arms Trade Agreement at the UN—without approval of Congress.

Medellin v. Texas also swatted away a claim of presidential power, The Journal noted. While the Bush Administration did not agree with Mexico's choice of venue, or the intrusion on US sover­eignty, it attempted to allay the diplo­matic ruckus by directing states to comply with the ICJ ruling in a 2005 executive order. The Court ruled that the President's power, too, was limited by the Constitution. The authority to make treaty commitments did not extend to unilaterally asserting new state respon­sibilities or legal duties. Again, the executive could only make new laws in conjunction with the legislature.

"Devotees of using foreign law to overrule American politicians will squawk," WSJ concluded, "but the Medellin majority has delivered a victory for legal modesty and the US Constitu­tion.

Chief Justice Roberts wrote the opinion in the 6-3 decision, with Justices Scalia, Kennedy, Thomas and Alito signing on, and Stevens concurring but with a separate opinion. Dissenting were Justices Breyer, Souter and Ginsburg. The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

South Carolina seen poised to close access to CCW info

South Carolina is poised to become the 28th state to keep secret the list of residents allowed to carry concealed weapons, a move favored by gunowners but opposed by advocates of open government.

According to The Charlotte Observer, South Carolina is among six states with legislation pending that would close the information to public scru­tiny, according to the National Rifle Association, which has advocated the measures that represent a battle between privacy and principle.

Gun enthusiasts such as Rep. Mike Pitts (R-Laurens), who sponsored the South Carolina bill, call the publish­ing of the gunowners' names an attack on the Second Amendment.

"Having a concealed weapon means I'm supposed to have it hidden," said Pitts, a retired law enforcement officer who teaches a handgun safety course to legislators and their fami­lies. "You're not supposed to know I've got one."

Open-government advocates counter the government should never dole out licenses in secret.

"You need public oversight," said Lucy Dalglish, executive director of Virginia-based Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press. "How else will you know if the state is issuing licenses in a fair way?"

But the legislature in gun-friendly South Carolina—where one in five legislators holds a concealed firearm permit, according to a recent review by The State newspaper in Columbia, SC—is ready to send the measure to Gov. Mark Sanford.

His spokesman, Joel Sawyer, said the GOP governor has not yet re­viewed the legislation.

The bill would exempt the identities of permit holders from what's available through the Freedom of Information Act and grant access only to law enforcement or through a court order. The House, which passed the bill unanimously last May, is set to take up Senate changes to the bill on Tuesday. They include requiring the state to publish statistical information yearly on permit holders and appli­cants, a change Pitts supports.

Pitts said he was incensed by a column last March in The Roanoke Times that focused on concealed weapon permits as a way to highlight Sunshine Week, the annual obser­vance of open government and public records laws. The Virginia newspaper's online version included a link to the state's more than 135,000 permit holders and their street addresses.

Gun activists said the easy access could have alerted criminals about where to find guns because permit holders generally own more than one—or could have given abusive ex- spouses or stalkers the new address of their victims.

More than 61,300 South Carolinians hold permits to carry concealed weapons, according to the State Law Enforcement Division, which oversees the permit process. The New GUN WEEK, April 15, 2008

 

Sex offender killed in home invasion

A Brighton, TN resident fatally shot a home invader who turned out to be a registered sex offender in the process of attacking two women in their own home Feb. 19, according to The Memphis Commercial Appeal.

The dead man was identified as David Fleming, 44. He reportedly broke into the home of his victims at about 3 a.m., tying them up. One of the women escaped and went to the home of neigh­bor Keith Ingram, who armed himself with a se